Temat: Konflikty w PRL

Autorka: Anna Rabiega

Adresat:

Uczeń klasy 8 szkoły podstawowej.

Podstawa programowa:

I. Wiedza i rozumienie.

Uczeń:

2) uzasadnia znaczenie procedur demokratycznych i stosuje je w życiu szkoły oraz grup, w których uczestniczy;

3) wyjaśnia znaczenie aktywności obywatelskiej.

Ogólny cel kształcenia:

Uczeń ma podstawową wiedzę na temat przemian ustrojowych w Polsce.

Cele operacyjne:

Uczeń:

• analizuje najważniejsze konflikty pomiędzy władzą a społeczeństwem w czasach PRL.

• wyjaśnia przyczyny protestów i demonstracji.

• wyjaśnia, w jaki sposób kolejne protesty i demonstracje przyczyniły się do upadku komunizmu w Polsce.

Kształtowane kompetencje kluczowe:

• porozumiewanie się w języku obcym,

• kompetencje informatyczne,

• umiejętność uczenia się,

• kompetencje społeczne i obywatelskie.

Metody nauczania:

• dyskusja,

• rozmowa nauczająca z wykorzystaniem fotografii, ćwiczeń interaktywnych,

• elementy dramy.

Formy pracy:

• indywidualna,

• grupowa,

• zbiorowa.

Środki dydaktyczne:

• komputery z głośnikami i dostępem do internetu, słuchawki,

• zasoby multimedialne zawarte w e‑podręczniku,

• tablica interaktywna/tablica, pisak/kreda.

Przebieg zajęć:

Faza wprowadająca:

1. Nauczyciel przedstawia cel zajęć: Poznacie historię najważniejszych konfliktów społeczeństwa z władzami komunistycznymi i przeanalizujecie, jak doprowadziły one do upadku komunizmu w Polsce.

2. Nauczyciel prosi, by uczniowie przypomnieli, jak przedstawiała się sytuacja polityczna w Polsce w czasach PRL‑u. W tym celu wykonają Ćwiczenie 1 z abstraktu – uzupełnią tekst dotyczący zasad demokracji i ustroju komunistycznego.

Faza realizacyjna:

1. Nauczyciel informuje uczniów, że dziś zapoznają się z najważniejszymi konfliktami społecznymi czasów PRL. Nauczyciel dzieli klasę na siedem grup. Zadaniem każdej z grup będzie dokładna analiza jednego z wydarzeń: Czerwca ‘56, Marca ‘68, Grudnia ‘70, Czerwca ‘76, Sierpnia ‘80, Grudnia ‘81 oraz rozmów Okrągłego Stołu. Uczniowie przygotowują swoje materiały na podstawie tekstu w abstrakcie „Conflicts in the People’s Republic of Poland” i zawartych w nim archiwalnych fotografii. Mogą też korzystać z innych źródeł internetowych.

Drugim zadaniem będzie przygotowanie trzech krótkich wypowiedzi:

• obiektywny skrót wydarzeń (w stylu agencji prasowej),

• oświadczenie rządu komunistycznego,

• oświadczenie przedstawicieli demonstrantów (gdyby mieli dostęp do mediów).

Uczniowie wybierają spośród siebie osoby, które wcielą się w role: dziennikarza, rzecznika lub przywódcy rządu komunistycznego i przedstawiciela demonstrantów. Nauczyciel określa czas na przygotowanie i prezentację.

2. Następnie każda z grup przedstawia klasie trzy wypowiedzi. Po zakończeniu prezentacji uczniowie oceniają się wzajemnie (np. kto najlepiej wcielił się w rolę, styl której wypowiedzi był najbardziej adekwatny). Jeśli czas pozwoli można omówić z klasą różnice między tymi trzema wypowiedziami.

3. Nauczyciel inicjuje dyskusję na temat tego, w jaki sposób kolejne protesty i demonstracje przyczyniły się do upadku komunizmu w Polsce. Uczniowie przedstawiają swoje opinie. Na zakończenie nauczyciel prosi jednego z uczniów o podsumowanie dyskusji.

4. Nauczyciel informuje uczniów, że w celu podsumowania zdobytej na lekcji wiedzy i umiejętności rozwiążą ćwiczenia 1 i 3 – umieszczają wydarzenia na interaktywnej osi czasu oraz rozpoznają pomniki upamiętniające wystąpienia robotników i studentów.

Faza podsumowująca:

1. Na zakończenie zajęć nauczyciel pyta: Gdyby z przedstawionego na lekcji materiału miałaby odbyć się kartkówka, jakie pytania waszym zdaniem powinny zostać zadane?

Prawdopodobnie uczniowie wskażą: przyczyny, przebieg i konsekwencje omawianych konfliktów, najważniejsze postaci związane z omawianymi wystąpieniami.

Gdyby uczniowie nie wyczerpali najistotniejszych zagadnień, nauczyciel może uzupełnić ich propozycje.

2. Propozycja zadania domowego:

a. Poszukaj wśród rodziny i znajomych kogoś, kto pamięta omawiane podczas lekcji wydarzenia. Przeprowadź z nim wywiad na temat jego wspomnień związanych z jednym z wystąpień społeczeństwa przeciwko władzy komunistycznej. Zapisz tę opowieść świadka historii.

b. Odsłuchaj nagranie abstraktu, aby powtórzyć materiał i utrwalić nowe słówka. Następnie wykonaj ćwiczenie słownikowe na końcu rozdziału.

W tej lekcji zostaną użyte m.in. następujące pojęcia oraz nagrania

Pojęcia

Teksty i nagrania

Conflicts in the People’s Republic of Poland

Before 1989 Poland was not a democratic state, and in undemocratic states conflicts are not solved, but suppressed by force. The authorities sent militia and army against defenceless people.

The first big social rebellion in the times of the Polish People’s Republic was the protest of workers at the Cegielski Factories (then named “Joseph Stalin Metal Works”) in Poznań. The workers were dissatisfied with their low incomes, high production standards, increasing food prices, and huge expenditure on arms. On 28 June, 1956 they began their march towards the city centre, and workers of other factories joined in on the way. A parade of around 100 000 people sang religious songs and chanted “We demand bread”, “Down with communism”, “We want God”, etc.

The demonstrators took over the buildings of the municipal authorities and the Communist Party’s local headquarters, as well as the prison – this was where the protesters found some weapons. A bloody battle began. Initially the workers gained advantage – they were shooting at the Ministry of Public Security building, and burned down several dozen tanks (by throwing gasoline bottles at the tanks), but they were quickly pacified by over 10 000 soldiers, who reached Poznań, assisted by 300 tanks, armored cars, and other sorts of weapons. During the street fighting and the pacification around 75 people died (the exact number has not been determined to this today), and, depending on the source, 500 to 800 people were injured.

The next day, Prime Minister Józef Cyrankiewicz gave a radio speech, in which he threatened: “any provocateur or a madman, who dares to raise his hand on people’s government can be assured that the people’s government will chop that hand off”. Historians claim that “Pozań June” led to political changes in Poland. In October 1956 – Władysław Gomułka was chosen to be a new leader of the communist party, a lot of political prisoners were released, including Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński.

In March 1968 the authorities banned the performance of “Dziady” by Adam Mickiewicz (written in 1824) directed by Kazimierz Dejmek at the National Theatre in Warsaw on the grounds that it contained Russophobic and “anti‑Soviet” references, which were received with applause by the audience. After the last performance, students marched from the theatre to the monument of Mickiewicz demanding more performances and the abolition of censorship.

In many Polish cities, students began to collect signatures on a petition to the Sejm, protesting against the ban. After a few days, some of the participants of the demonstration were detained, and two students were expelled from the university. When on 8 March 1968 the students organised a rally in the courtyard of the University of Warsaw to defend the repressed and their colleagues the militia brutally dispersed the protesters and another several dozen young people, including Jacek Kuroń and Karol Modzelewski were arrested. In the following days, similar rallies took place at many universities throughout Poland. Everywhere the protesters demanded the same: responsibility for the brutal militia actions, restrictions of censorship, and respect for freedom of speech. At the University of Warsaw and the Technical University of Warsaw an occupation strike began, but after threats of dissolution of the universities, it ended after only three days.

The rebels, however, remained lonely, failed to persuade the workers of large factories to join them in protests. The authorities brutally cracked down on the protesters – on several campuses, entire faculties were closed, thousands of students were sent to military service. The authorities of the Polish United Workers’ Party (PUWP, the communist party, which was effectively in power at the time) claimed it was people of Jewish origin who inspired the incidents. A lot of people had to leave the country as a result of the anti‑Semitic campaign.

The experience of March 1968 was one of the most important factors shaping the opposition of the 1980s.

On 14 December 1970, a strike broke out in the Gdańsk Shipyard, triggered by increases in prices of basic necessity goods, especially food, that were announced two days earlier. The strike inspired a wave of protests and demonstrations in the streets, which covered most of the Coast.

The most tragic events took place in Gdynia, where on 17 December the army, without any kind of warning opened fire on workers going to work. Dozens of them died. There were violent clashes between several thousand workers and militia and army units. There were also riots in Szczecin, where the shipyard workers burned the communist party’s local headquarters building down. On 18 December all the largest production plants in Gdańsk, Gdynia, Słupsk, Elbląg and Szczecin were already on strike.

The symbol of these events was the death of a young worker – Zbyszek Godlewski, who died shot with a machine gun. His friends laid his body on a door and carried it to the building of the Municipal National Council. Soon after the massacre, an engineer Krzysztof Dowgiałło wrote “Ballad of Janek Wiśniewski”. He did not know the real name of the fallen man, so he chose a popular first and last name in Poland. The poem turned into a song by Kazik Staszewski, became the theme of the movie “Black Thursday” directed by Antoni Krauze. The movie tells the story of the tragic events of December 1970.

This time the workers’ protests led to the change of the leadership, and Edward Gierek became the first secretary of the PUWP. In his tv speech, he promised to improve the material situation of society. He blamed the protests on the “enemies of socialism” (not the workers!), and thus, he explained, the decisive response was needed from the authorities. Historians call the next ten years (until the creation of the “Solidarity” movement) “Gierek’s decade”.

On 25 June 1976, tens of thousands of people in almost a hundred workplaces began strikes and street demonstrations. The direct cause of the protests was a drastic price increase of food products announced in the Sejm by Prime Minister Piotr Jaroszewicz (meat and fish – 69%, dairy products – 64%, rice – 150%, sugar – 90%). The following day in Radom, Ursus and Płock the demonstrations ended with clashes with the militia and ZOMO (Motorized Reserves of the Citizens’ Militia). The authorities withdrew from the price hikes but decided to intimidate the protesters, and brutal repressions began. The detained workers were passed through the so‑called “healing paths”, i.e. a row of militia officers beating them with their clubs. In show trials, people were sentenced to long‑term imprisonment and heavy fines.

After these events the Workers’ Defense Committee was formed, a public opposition organisation that provided legal and financial assistance to the oppressed participants of the protests in Ursus, Radom, and Płock. The activities of the Workers’ Defense Committee made the changes in 1980 possible.

The Economic crisis and public dissatisfaction with the realities of the communist state kept growing in the second half of the seventies.

The election of a Pole, Cardinal Karol Wojtyła, as a Pope in October 1978, and his pilgrimage to his homeland in June 1979 awakened the public’s hopes for change. A year later strikes broke out, which changed the course of history and were the beginning of the end of communism in Europe.

The direct cause of the protests in August 1980 was again the price rises that triggered strikes in the largest production plants in Poland. On 14 August, work at the Gdańsk Shipyard was discontinued. Apart from economic postulates, the workers demanded the reinstatement of Anna Walentynowicz and Lech Wałęsa, who had been dismissed for their activity in trade unions.

At that time, the Inter‑Enterprise Strike Committee was formed, headed by Wałęsa. The Committee formulated 21 demands regarding, among others, the consent to the establishment of trade unions independent of the party, guaranteeing the right to strike, and the release of political prisoners.

On 18 August a strike began in Szczecin, where an Inter‑Enterprise Strike Committee of several dozen production plants was also created.

The authorities withdrew the price increases but did not want to agree to political demands. Therefore, a general strike began throughout the entire Coast. Workers were supported by intellectuals, including Tadeusz Mazowiecki, Bronisław Geremek, Andrzej Wielowieyski. They advised the protesters on legal and economic issues but the striking workers made all the important decisions. 31 August 1980 was a historic moment – Lech Wałęsa, on behalf of all the protesters, signed the agreement with the authorities. The authorities agreed to implement the 21 postulates, including the registration of the nationwide Independent Self‑Governing Trade Union “Solidarity” (NSZZ “Solidarność”). The other postulates were also of a political nature – the workers demanded that the right to freedom of expression guaranteed by the Constitution of the People’s Republic of Poland and access to media (in practice controlled by the party) were respected. They also demanded the authorities stop persecuting people for their beliefs. The authorities promised to comply with those postulates. The next day, the workers returned to work.

August 1980 was the first social conflict in the communist era, in which the communists did not use force. One of the reasons was the fact that ten million Poles were active in the “Solidarity” movement at that time.

However, the agreement with the authorities turned out to be fragile. The “Solidarity Carnival” lasted only sixteen months. On 13 December 1981, the authorities cracked down on “Solidarity”, proclaiming martial law. “A man of Iron” – a movie directed by Andrzej Wajda – depicts the events of that time.

After the signing of the August Agreements in 1980 and the registration of the Independent Self‑Governing Trade Union “Solidarity”, the conflicts did not cease. There was a shortage of food, hygienic articles, footwear, gasoline. Rationing did not improve the situation. Throughout 1981 protests broke out, various workplaces were out, as well as higher education institutions and public transport companies.

The most important functions in the state were taken by General Wojciech Jaruzelski, who became the first secretary of the PUWP, the prime minister, and minister of national defence. The communist authorities prepared martial law in the greatest secrecy. On 12 December 1981, arrests of “Solidarity” activists began before midnight. Within a few days, more than six thousand people were interned in prisons and special centres. It was a military coup.

The activity of social organisations was suspended, the freedom of movement was limited, a curfew was introduced, telephone conversations and correspondence were controlled, organisation of demonstrations and strikes was forbidden, industrial plants were militarized. Over 120 thousand soldiers, militia and other armed men were directed to conduct this operation. For the first time since the second world war, such great forces were used to suppress the opposition. Historians often call these events the Polish‑Jaruzelian war.

On 13 December, in the morning, instead of a program for children on television, Poles could watch the speech of General Wojciech Jaruzelski, playing the role of a defender of „the fatherland that was over the abyss”.

The general presented the activities of the opposition and „Solidarity” as „an open attempt to partition the socialist Polish statehood completely”. The remaining members of “Solidarity” responded to the introduction of martial law with strikes, but they were broken down by special units of militia and the army.

The most tragic events occurred on 16 December 1981 in the „Wujek” mine, where the protesters were being shot at. Nine miners were killed, several dozen wounded.

Despite their determination, the communist authorities failed to defeat the “Solidarity” people. Many activists organised underground resistance. Thousands of independent publications were published, there was a secret “Solidarity” radio, there were independent theatres, help for families of the interned activists was organized. Martial law was abolished on 22 July 1983. The leader of “Solidarity” – Lech Wałęsa – received the Nobel Peace Prize in the autumn of 1983 and became a symbol of the struggle for a free Poland and human rights.

One could say that in December 1981 “Solidarity” lost the battle, to win the war eight years later.

In 1988 another wave of protests began – Upper Silesia mines, the port in Szczecin, the Gdańsk Shipyard. They demanded “Solidarity” to be re‑legalised. The conflict was growing, the economic situation of the country was extremely dramatic. For the first time in the history of the People's Republic of Poland, it was decided to resolve social conflict not by force, but by negotiation. Both sides: the authorities of the Polish People's Republic, and on the other side, the „Solidarity” opposition and representatives of the Church, began a roundtable meeting on 6 February 1989.

Among others, the re‑registration of “Solidarity” was agreed on, free elections to the Senate, and partially (35%) open to the Sejm, as well as the creation of the President's office.

The Round Table Agreement initiated democratic changes not only in Poland but also the entire block of countries controlled by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. The communist party believed that by regulating freedom, it would manage to maintain its power. The election of 4 June 1989 and the following months showed how wrong they were.